Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ administration diverted more than $35 million in taxpayer funds that investigators say were used to influence last year’s ballot fights over abortion and recreational cannabis, according to a months-long investigation by the Miami Herald and Tampa Bay Times.
The money, originally allocated for healthcare, child welfare and opioid recovery programs, was instead used to pay for political consultants, legal services and a sweeping advertising campaign that made exaggerated or misleading claims about marijuana. The ads aired across television, radio and social media in the weeks leading up to the 2024 election, while avoiding any direct mention of Amendment 3, the proposed constitutional amendment that would have legalized adult-use cannabis in Florida.
Amendment 3 ultimately received roughly 57% of the vote, falling just short of the 60% threshold required to pass. A parallel abortion rights measure, Amendment 4, failed under the same rule.
The investigation found that at least $36.2 million in public funds was tapped by the DeSantis administration, with approximately 79% of that money coming from healthcare-related sources. Reporters traced the spending through Florida’s budgeting and payment systems, reviewing thousands of pages of emails, vendor records and state transactions.
Among the largest sources: $1.1 million from the Department of Children and Families’ child protection program, $4 million from Florida’s opioid settlement trust fund and nearly $1 million from the Department of Health’s community public health promotion budget. The opioid settlement money had been earmarked to support communities disproportionately affected by substance misuse.
Another $10 million stemmed from a Medicaid settlement with healthcare contractor Centene. As previously reported, that money was directed to the Hope Florida Foundation, a nonprofit founded by First Lady Casey DeSantis, before $8.5 million was routed to a political committee controlled by the governor’s then–chief of staff, James Uthmeier. That transaction is currently the subject of a grand jury investigation. No criminal charges have been filed in connection with the spending as of publication.
Earlier drafts of the Centene settlement did not include Hope Florida as a recipient. The foundation was added less than two weeks after President Donald Trump endorsed the cannabis amendment and shortly before mail-in ballots were sent to voters.
State officials described the ad blitz as a series of “public service announcements.” But emails and vendor records reviewed by the Herald and Times indicate the effort was designed to influence the outcome of the election, targeting higher-propensity voters and ramping up precisely as early voting began.
The ads themselves included claims that cannabis is “often tied to domestic abuse,” that teen marijuana use increases the risk of psychotic disorders by more than 1,000%, and that “if your THC level isn’t zero, you’re not safe to drive.” Most of the ads offered no citations. Some featured federal highway safety branding, prompting concern from officials at the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration about whether the messaging crossed into political advocacy.
Madeline Meier, an associate professor of psychology at Arizona State University who studies cannabis harms, told the Herald and Times that while heavy use can raise risks for certain high-risk individuals, the ads’ claims could not be evaluated without supporting evidence.
Several experts and former officials said the spending, at minimum, pushed the boundaries of state law. Kenneth Goodman, professor emeritus of medical ethics at the University of Miami, said the campaign amounted to “undermining the will of voters by diverting resources intended for a vulnerable population.” He added: “This is corruption at the expense of children.”
Republican state Sen. Rick Scott’s office called the allegations “deeply concerning,” while Rep. Alex Andrade, a Republican who oversees Florida’s healthcare budget in the House, said the spending appeared to be “a misappropriation of funds” and accused top officials of violating procurement laws.
The administration routed much of the advertising through Strategic Digital Services, a consulting firm that has worked with Florida state agencies as well as Republican candidates and committees. Invoices show that multiple agencies entered contracts with the firm within days of one another, collectively paying at least $16.4 million.
Because broadcasters did not classify the ads as political, the state received discounted airtime. According to data reviewed by the Herald and Times, state agencies spent at least $3.1 million opposing the cannabis amendment on broadcast television alone, not including digital placements or production costs.
In court, the state successfully argued that the ads did not violate Florida’s election code because they did not explicitly reference Amendment 3. That ruling is currently on appeal.
The controversy has already prompted legislative changes. Earlier this year, Florida lawmakers passed a provision banning state agencies from spending public funds to oppose or support future ballot initiatives, even under the guise of distributing “factual information.”
Meanwhile, cannabis advocates are preparing for another run. Smart & Safe Florida, backed again by medical marijuana operator Trulieve, is working to place recreational legalization back on the ballot.
DeSantis has acknowledged that a majority of voters supported both failed amendments. Still, he has taken credit for defeating them. “We dug in,” he said last fall. “We barnstormed the state.”
The investigation suggests that barnstorming efforts relied heavily on public money, blurring the line between public health messaging and political campaigning, with cannabis once again at the center of Florida’s most contentious policy fight.
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